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Reforming SNAP Is a Fiscal Necessity

4As several provisions of the reconciliation bill Congress passed last year come into effect, the North Carolina General Assembly may have to appropriate as much as $659 million a year to maintain the state’s participation in the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program (SNAP), what used to be called Food Stamps.
That’s a huge increase. Our state currently spends approximately $150 million on SNAP. Unlike some commentators, however, I welcome the new federal rules. Our current arrangement is unsustainable and indefensible.
North Carolina has a poor record on SNAP. We don’t require enough able-bodied recipients to work in exchange for their benefits, a condition past federal laws already authorized. And our program has long been vulnerable to error and fraud. In 2024, more than 10% of North Carolina’s SNAP payments were erroneous or fraudulent. That rate fell a bit last year, but appears to have remained above the federal government’s new 6% target. Unless we fall at or below it by October 2027, North Carolina will incur a heavy penalty.
More generally, the United States simply cannot continue to run budget deficits well in excess of a trillion dollars a year. The persistent gap between federal revenues and expenditures is so large that no amount of nips, tucks, and taxes on rich people can narrow it more than a modest amount. All federal programs must be on the table for reevaluation, reform, and reduction.
That means limiting Social Security and Medicaid benefits for middle- and upper-income households. It means imposing time limits and work requirements on able-bodied recipients of Medicaid, SNAP, public housing, and other public assistance. It means buying smarter, too, on goods and services ranging from fighter planes and warships to highways, buildings, technology, and program administration.
All programs jointly administered by Washington, states, and localities need fundamental restructuring. Some items need to disappear entirely from the federal budget, with state and local policymakers wholly responsible for deciding whether to fund them and by how much.
In other cases — Medicaid, nutrition assistance, and education come to mind — it will likely prove impossible to devolve them entirely. The next-best option, then, will be for Congress to require states to shoulder a higher share of the cost and for any localities involved in administering the funds to be on the hook for payment errors.
Do such changes constitute unfunded mandates? In a sense, yes, although states and localities are usually free to refuse participation and ought to consider doing so in many cases. But let’s be clear: our current model for Medicaid, SNAP, and the rest is already unfunded! Neither Washington alone nor federal, state, and local authorities combined will collect enough revenue this year to finance the welfare state mandated by current law and policy.
Just to be clear, I don’t think Congress went far enough to remove the disincentives to work, marriage, and self-sufficiency embedded in our welfare programs. Some lawmakers reportedly agree and are crafting a follow-up bill for 2026.
To return to the North Carolina case, the General Assembly and the administration of Gov. Josh Stein may still have time to forestall some of the cost increase for SNAP. Madison Ray, senior director of the State Policy Network’s Center for Practical Federalism, recommends that states abandon all expansions of SNAP eligibility effected by agency responses to “guidance” letters from the Biden administration rather than duly enacted federal statutes. And we should take a closer look at how states such as Idaho, Nebraska, Nevada, South Dakota, Vermont, Wisconsin, and Wyoming already manage to keep their erroneous-payment rates below 6%.
Paige Terryberry, a former Locke Foundation policy analyst now doing similar work at the Foundation for Government Accountability, described some best practices in a recent policy report. They include requiring frequent cross-checks of available data, tightening certification periods, and prohibiting waivers of work requirements.
“States should begin implementing program integrity measures to curb error rates,” Terryberry concluded, “and reduce their cost-sharing burden.” North Carolina, she’s talking to you.

Editor’s note: John Hood is a John Locke Foundation board member. His books Mountain Folk, Forest Folk, and Water Folk combine epic fantasy with American history (FolkloreCycle.com).

Hood: Property tax merits reform, not repeal

7North Carolina House Speaker Destin Hall (R-Caldwell) had created a 23-member select committee to evaluate potential reforms of the state’s property-tax system. That is a fine idea, a sensible reaction to surging property values and changing fiscal conditions. But members ought not be distracted by out-of-state chatter about repealing the property tax entirely. That is a bad idea, destined to fail.
Annual levies on the value of residential, commercial, and industries property produce 70% of local revenue in North Carolina. The property tax is stable, reliable, and doesn’t distort economic decisions nearly as much as income or sales taxes do.
All taxes are paid using past or present income. And all are, by definition, coercive. They take money away from the people who earned it so that governments can fund public safety, infrastructure, education, and other services for which the collective public benefits can be reasonably expected to exceed the costs.
I’m a fiscal conservative, not an anarchist. I believe government is necessary and provides essential services. I also think government at all levels has a built-in tendency to grow beyond its proper scope, as spending lobbies inside and outside the public sector press for jobs, contracts, and special favors.
That’s why I favor both legal and procedural constraints on the size of government, including annual expenditure caps based on inflation and population growth as well as referendum requirements for issuing general-obligation debt. Otherwise, the interests of taxpayers will inevitably yield to the machinations of special interests.
When considering tax alternatives, it’s important not to mix up two different issues: 1) how we should tax and spend, and 2) how much we should tax and spend. Settling one doesn’t necessarily settle the other.
At any given level of government spending, there are better and worse ways to raise the revenues necessary to finance it.
For local services in North Carolina, the only practical alternative to the property tax is to raise the sales tax. I might view that tradeoff favorably if North Carolina’s sales tax were broad and efficiently administered.
It is neither. Even after the General Assembly expanded it more than a decade ago to encompass entertainment, repairs, and some personal services, we still don’t tax medical bills, financial services, and legal services sold to households. Given the lobbying heft of those industries, I doubt the practicality of any plan to pass a genuine retail-sales tax in North Carolina.
Our property-tax base is too narrow, as well. I don’t think large-scale enterprises benefitting from significant expenditure on public services, such as hospitals and universities, ought to be exempt from the property tax. Again, I’ll remind you that “property” taxes aren’t paid by removing planks or bricks from buildings and chucking them at the tax collector, however tempting that might be.
They are really a means of taxing the money of people who own property, lease it (apartment dwellers bear much of the incidence of property tax as monthly rent), and work or consume on it (in the form of lower wages or higher prices, respectively). Especially for place-based services such as fire protection and parks, taxes on real estate apportion the costs in a rational manner.
“The property tax won’t win any popularity contests with homeowners,” wrote Jared Walczak, vice president of state projects at the Tax Foundation, “but it still has an important role to play in public finance.
Policymakers can and should address taxpayers’ legitimate grievances about out-of-control property tax bills, but they should do so without upending a system of taxation that is more efficient, fair, and pro-growth, and better suited to municipal finance, than any of the alternatives.”
By all means, let’s make sure North Carolinians can challenge unjust valuations and cash-poor homeowners aren’t dispossessed. Levy limits and circuit breakers make sense. More generally, the General Assembly should continue tax reforms that reduce special carve-outs and broaden tax bases in order to lower tax rates. But replacing property taxes isn’t a realistic option.

Editor’s note: John Hood is a John Locke Foundation board member. His books Mountain Folk, Forest Folk, and Water Folk combine epic fantasy with American history (FolkloreCycle.com).

Publisher's Pen: Let’s get real about the MLK Parade cancellation

4Special Note:
Again, as tradition will have it, Up & Coming Weekly again proves truth in the cliché: “ Where there is smoke, there’s fire.” Enjoy our perspective on the canceling of the MLK Jr. Parade, then go to page 9 to read Rachel Heimann Mercader’s excellent coverage of this situation in her City View article. Enjoy!
— Bill Bowman Publisher U&CW

For more than three decades, Fayetteville has come together each January to honor the life, legacy, and moral courage of Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. The annual MLK Parade organized by the Fayetteville-Cumberland County Martin Luther King Jr. organization, is not just a tradition—it is a civic commitment, a unifying moment, and a reflection of who we aspire to be in our community.
That is why this year’s abrupt cancellation of the parade is more than a scheduling mishap. It is a profound disappointment to residents, and the Fayetteville community deserves honesty about how we got here.
The truth appears simple: the parade committee was not organized, prepared, or functioning with the leadership they needed to execute what would have marked the parade’s 32nd year. Instead of acknowledging this, postponing the event, committee member Charlisa Y. Davis sends out a daunting press release implying that the parade was canceled due to community “safety concerns.” This is a claim that is not only misleading but insulting to all the citizens of Fayetteville, including the Fayetteville Police Department, which works hard to keep our city safe. They were not aware of or ever informed of any safety concerns or threats. Even members of the Martin Luther King, Jr. committee were unaware of any safety concerns —or of Davis’s press release itself.
This raises a troubling question: Why cast a negative aspersion on our community as an excuse when it appears the real issue is internal disorganization? Heaven knows Fayetteville gets enough bad and unfair publicity from out-of-town media.
The explanation brought forward was that they “didn’t have enough time” to secure permits, restrooms, and security, which is equally baffling. Their former parade organizer, Belinda Bryant, left the organization nearly two years ago. Two years is more than enough time for a functioning organization to regroup, plan, and prepare. Bryant confirmed she had no involvement in the 2025 parade and that other members handled planning last year.
Let’s be clear: The January 17th MLK JR. parade was not canceled because Fayetteville is unsafe. It was canceled because the Chairman of the Fayetteville-Cumberland County Martin Luther King, Jr. committee, Stanley Ford, failed in his stated responsibilities to do his job. Here is a man, who one year ago, appears on a local community radio show touting how very important the MLK Parade is to the Fayetteville community, then fails to execute it. That failure matters. It matters to the citizens of Fayetteville because the MLK Parade is not a casual event. It is a symbol of unity, progress, and remembrance. It is a day when our community—Black, white, young, old, military, civilian, Democrats, and Republicans—can come together to celebrate the dream Dr. King fought and died for, a dream that is all too often set aside in pursuit of selfish personal agendas.
To cancel such an event due to internal dysfunction and then attempt to mask that dysfunction behind unfounded claims of public danger is insulting and unacceptable. Even if the parade is rescheduled, the damage is done. A rescheduled event cannot erase the fact that the original celebration—the one that should have honored Dr. King on the national holiday—was lost due to mismanagement. Fayetteville deserves better. Dr. King’s legacy deserves better.
Our community needs and respects the work of the Fayetteville-Cumberland County Martin Luther King Jr. organization. I hope that its leadership will make the effort to take responsibility and recommit itself to presenting and preserving this parade for future generations, honoring a man who demanded integrity, accountability, and moral courage from all who claimed to lead. Those values are exactly what the committee needs to rediscover.
Thank you for reading Up & Coming Weekly community newspaper.

King Midas warns: Be careful what you wish for

6Remember our old friend King Midas? Today, we return to the mystical land of Greek Mythology. What do the Federal Reserve, President Trump, and King Midas have in common? Stick around to learn how King Midas brings them all together into a mélange of greed and power. Sounds boring? No way, Jose. Dead ahead, find a drunken satyr, golden roses, a misbegotten wish, the ears of a jack ass, and Floyd the barber who can’t keep a secret.
President Trump sicced the Department of Justice to investigate and probably bring criminal charges against Federal Reserve Chairman Jerome Powell over cost overruns on the renovation of the Federal Reserve Headquarters.
It is no secret that Trump’s fondest wish (other than to scarf up several Nobel Peace Prizes) is to boot Powell out of office so he can install a lackey who will respond to his political pressure to lower interest rates. Fed independence blocks America’s Golden Age.
King Midas had a rose garden, like the White House’s rose garden, which is now a concrete patio. Midas had the world’s best roses, each sporting sixty blooms.
People partied hearty back then. One day, Midas stopped to smell the roses and found an old, drunken Satyr passed out in his garden. (Author’s Note: A Satyr has the upper body of a man with goat horns on his head and the lower body of a goat.)
The Satyr was Silenus, the former teacher and foster father of the God Dionysus. Dionysus was the God of wine, so Silenus came by alcoholism honestly. Midas recognized Silenus, woke him up, and treated him as an honored guest. They partied with adult beverages for 10 days.
On the 11th day, Midas sobered up and took Silenus back to Dionysus.
Dionysus was so happy to see his old tutor that he gave Midas a free wish. Midas wished that everything he touched turned to gold.
Abra Kadabra Alakzam! Wish granted! Midas touched a stick and a stone. Zowie! They turned to gold. Midas was happy as a clam. When he returned home, Midas touched every rose in his garden, turning them to gold like a Grecian Formula Steven Singer. He ordered a feast to celebrate his new power, but uh oh.
When he tried to drink wine or eat food, it immediately turned to gold, which, while pretty, is indigestible. His daughter came crying into the banquet hall, upset because the now golden roses no longer had their beautiful scent. Midas hugged his daughter to comfort her, unfortunately turning her to gold.
Midas realized he had not fully thought through his wish for the golden touch. Buyer’s remorse set in. He did not want to starve. He missed his daughter. He asked Dionysus to reverse his wish.
Dionysus told him to wash in the local river to end the golden touch. He did so, and the river’s sand turned to gold. Midas didn’t want any more gold or riches. He took John Prine’s advice and blew up his TV, threw away his paper, went to the country, built him a home, and ate a lot of peaches.
One day, Pan, who was a lesser God of music, challenged Apollo, who was the major God of music, to a musical duel like Charlie Daniels’ song “The Devil Went Down to Georgia.”
The music Judge was a dude named Timolus who smartly named Apollo the winner. Midas was in the audience and loudly claimed that his buddy Pan was the winner. This did not sit well with Apollo.
Apollo said Midas “must have the ears of an ass” to think Pan was the winner. Immediately, Midas’s ears turned into actual donkey ears.
Midas was humiliated by being crowned with donkey ears. He hid his ears under a turban so no one would see his shame. Naturally, Midas’ barber Floyd saw his donkey ears when he cut Midas’ hair. Midas told him to keep the ears a secret. Floyd could not keep this gossip to himself. He went out into a field, dug a hole, and whispered into it that Midas has donkey ears. A thick patch of reeds grew up over the hole. The reeds whispered to anyone walking by that Midas has donkey ears.
Midas became the butt of many donkey jokes by all and sundry. When he could take the ridicule no longer, he drank a Mickey Finn of bull’s blood and arsenic, causing him to expire.
How does this relate to Trump wishing to control the Fed? If he gets his wish, but the economy tanks due to his putting a flunky in charge of the Fed, Dionysus will not be there to bail him out.
Be careful what you wish for. Sometimes, you might get it.

(Illustration by Pitt Dickey)

Troy's Perspective: North Carolina's political change

6North Carolina is experiencing a significant political change: for the first time, unaffiliated and Republican voters now outnumber Democrats. Political analysts suggest that this shift has been evident for a while, and it is not surprising. They argue that Democrats have recently made significant changes to their political strategy, embracing ideologies that conflict with their base and neglecting their traditional blue-collar working-class supporters.
North Carolina's political landscape is shifting, highlighted by a U.S. Senate race that features former governor Roy Cooper as the likely Democratic nominee. His opponent is expected to be Michael Whatley, the former chairman of the Republican National Committee (RNC), who has received President Donald Trump's endorsement. The outcome of this race is drawing national attention, as its implications for Congress are significant.
Cumberland County is set to play a crucial role in the U.S. Senate and down-ballot races, as it remains one of the few reliably "blue-leaning" counties in southeastern North Carolina. The involvement of prominent political figures is anticipated to encourage voters to support Governor Cooper and the Democratic Party. Will this strategy be enough to secure a victory in Cumberland County? Most likely, yes. However, the outcome across the state is a different matter.
While anything is possible, I doubt many are predicting Democrats to flip Republican-drawn congressional and legislative districts in southeastern North Carolina. Local focus is a different story. Since straight-ticket voting has been abolished and voters are compelled to make independent down-ballot choices, Cumberland County voters will have an interesting board of commissioner race on their ballot.
On March 3, the Cumberland County Democrats will hold a primary for six at-large commissioner candidates, with two advancing to the general election on Nov. 3, where they will face two at-large Republican hopefuls who will not have primary opponents.
The county commissioner at-large race presents a significant opportunity for local Democrats, as they appear particularly vulnerable in this area. The county board of commissioners has seen little change over the past few decades. It will be interesting to see if voters decide to re-elect familiar names with unimpressive records or support new candidates regardless of political party affiliation, with fresh visions who can help revitalize the board. Chairman Kirk deViere, now in his second consecutive year of leadership, is leading an effort to reinvigorate the board alongside two other members from District 2, Commissioners Pavan Patel and Henry Tyson. All three are entering their second year of a four-year term.
Cumberland County is classified as a Tier One county in North Carolina. It is also one of the 40 most economically distressed counties, as designated by the North Carolina Department of Commerce. This designation is based on various factors, including unemployment rates, median income levels, population growth, and other relevant indicators. Cumberland County’s economic status needs to change.
Fayetteville serves as the center of the Fayetteville, NC Metropolitan Statistical Area (MSA) and officially includes Cumberland, Hoke, and Harnett Counties. It is also home to Fort Bragg, highlighting the importance of electing the best and brightest candidates for Cumberland County in the upcoming election.

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