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Tuesday, 20 May 2025
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Written by J. Antoine Miner, Sr.
In today’s America, the term Black fatigue has evolved far beyond its original context. Initially coined to describe the emotional weariness experienced by Black Americans in the face of systemic racism, the term has taken on a new and controversial dimension. Increasingly, Black fatigue is being used to describe a growing frustration among both white conservatives and conservative Black Americans—though for very different reasons.
White Americans, especially those with traditional values or conservative viewpoints, are voicing exhaustion from being labeled racist or bigoted for expressing dissent from liberal talking points. Whether it's opposition to critical race theory in schools, concerns over crime, or support for law enforcement, their views are often instantly dismissed as rooted in hate. They are fatigued not by race itself, but by the constant accusation of racism for daring to think differently.
But perhaps more notably—and more painfully—conservative Black Americans are experiencing their own version of Black fatigue. And theirs is not directed outward. It is inward.
Many conservative and traditional Black voices are tired of the narrative that portrays Black America as perpetually oppressed, helpless, and devoid of agency. They’re weary of the cultural silence when it comes to addressing the internal issues plaguing our communities—issues like absentee fathers, rising drug use, spiraling youth violence, and the devastating toll of Black-on-Black crime.
It is exhausting to watch videos of young Black teens ransacking stores or engaging in brutal fights, only to have the blame redirected at vague notions of systemic injustice without ever confronting the destructive choices being made. Black fatigue, for these individuals, stems from watching the same cycle repeat itself while being told that any effort to promote accountability or traditional values is “anti-Black” or “respectability politics.”
I’m tired of watching our culture get hijacked by ignorance. We blame the system, but we’re glorifying thug life in our music, disrespecting education, and shaming anyone who tries to rise above it.
There’s a difference between acknowledging history and being held hostage by it. Many conservative Black Americans understand that racism exists, but they also believe it cannot be the scapegoat for every social ill. At some point, there must be room for tough love—where we confront our own failings with the same intensity we direct toward systemic critique.
This isn’t about shaming the Black community—it’s about loving it enough to demand more. More accountability. More responsibility. More leadership.
As Fayetteville continues to face its own challenges with youth crime, educational disparities, and economic instability, the conversation around Black fatigue must include more than blame. It must include solutions. That starts with honesty—about where we are, how we got here, and what we must do differently.
Black fatigue isn’t just real. It’s a warning. One that says if we don’t start changing the narrative from victimhood to victory, from reaction to responsibility, we will continue to wear ourselves—and our community—into the ground.
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Tuesday, 20 May 2025
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Written by John Hood
You’ve heard it as often as I have: “we don’t make things here anymore.” It reflects the widespread belief that domestic manufacturing and other goods-producing industries have cratered since the implementation of the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) in the mid-1990s and China’s entry into the World Trade Organization in 2001.
It’s a myth. The output of American manufacturing is higher than ever, even after adjusting for inflation. In our state, manufacturing output in dollar terms is higher today than it was in the 1990s, though it remains a bit lower than it was before the Great Recession of 2007-09.
Why is the myth so prevalent? Because it’s readily apparent that some manufacturers have shrunk, or disappeared entirely, and that has sometimes been the result of competition from abroad. What’s not so readily apparent is that other manufacturers have grown or been birthed during the same period.
Moreover, there really has been a decline since the 1990s in manufacturing employment. In 1997, some 800,000 North Carolinians held manufacturing jobs. Today, that number is about 460,000. The primary story here isn’t foreign competition driving manufacturers out of business. It’s the use of automation and other technology to make our manufacturing more efficient — producing more goods per hour of labor.
We’ve been through this before with another goods-producing industry: agriculture. When my great-grandparents were born, they and most other North Carolinians were agricultural laborers, either running family farms or working for other enterprises that grew, harvested, or processed food and fiber. During the late 19th and early 20th centuries, as new machinery, seeds, fertilizers, and agriculture techniques proliferated, farmers came to produce vastly more output for each unit of input. Carolinians then migrated from farm labor to manufacturing, construction, retail, and other professions.
Last year, North Carolina’s agriculture and forestry sectors produced $7.4 billion in economic output. As far as I can determine, that’s higher than ever before. Of course, our state is much more populous and developed than it was a century ago. Agriculture makes up a smaller share of our gross domestic product — and a much smaller share of employment — not because it has atrophied but simply because other sectors and occupations have grown faster.
Manufacturing exhibits the same pattern. The sector produced $108 billion worth of goods in North Carolina last year. That’s 24% higher than in 1997, adjusted for inflation.
Now, the composition of the sector certainly changed. The dollar value of non-durable manufacturing is lower. But durable-goods manufacturing has more than made up the difference. In dollar value, North Carolinians produce far more machinery ($8.6 billion worth), computers and electronics ($7.4 billion), fabricated metal products ($5.2 billion), vehicles and auto parts ($3.4 billion), and other transportation equipment ($4.6 billion) than we do textiles and apparel ($2.6 billion).
North Carolina firms produced $2.4 billion worth of furniture and wood products in 2023. That’s down 34% since 1997. In the same year, 2023, North Carolina firms produced $28.9 billion worth of chemicals, plastics, and rubber products. These are vastly larger industries in our state, and have been either holding their own or growing over time.
More broadly, goods-producing sectors in North Carolina — agriculture, manufacturing, resource extraction, and construction — had a total output last year of $159 billion. That’s up 23% in real terms since 1997. Why might one think otherwise? Because the output of private services rose still faster, more than doubling to $548 billion (government services comprise the rest of GDP).
As our employment base shifted toward services, did we get poorer? Not at all. Personal income averaged $64,855 per North Carolinian in 2024, up 48% in inflation-adjusted terms since 1997.
I’m not saying everything is hunky-dory. Federal, state, and local regulations make it costlier than necessary to farm, manufacture, mine, and build. And too many North Carolinians lack the skills required to perform these tasks. That’s a telling fact, though: in goods-producing industries, our current challenge isn’t a labor surplus. It’s a labor shortage.
Editor’s note: John Hood is a John Locke Foundation board member. His books Mountain Folk, Forest Folk, and Water Folk combine epic fantasy with American history (FolkloreCycle.com).