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Tuesday, 26 August 2025
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Written by John Hood
It’s not the biggest threat to public safety, I admit, but panhandling along and often on North Carolina roadways is illegal, dangerous, counterproductive — and commonplace.
During my daily travels in the capital city, I routinely see panhandlers approach idling cars at traffic lights and stop signs to beg motorists for cash. Many have been working their “territories” for so long that I recognize them on sight, as do their regular “customers.”
The panhandlers bring shoulder bags, water bottles, and other supplies to stow on curbs or medians and hold up signs proclaiming themselves to be homeless moms, disabled veterans, or folks just temporarily down on their luck.
They’re not just ubiquitous in Raleigh. I’ve also seen such panhandlers during recent trips to Charlotte, Winston-Salem, and Asheville. Perhaps you’ve seen them where you live, too.
In my day job, I run a charitable foundation that funds shelters, food pantries, free clinics, job training, and substance abuse treatment, among other worthy causes. I believe in the power of philanthropy to alleviate suffering and change lives. But it is unwise to give cash to someone you don’t really know, whose true needs you can’t possibly know, and whose claims may well be exaggerated or fabricated.
It took me a while to learn this lesson. When I moved to Washington in 1988 for my first magazine job, I was unprepared for the lines of beggars in the streets and subway entrances. After falling for their lines a few times, I stopped giving cash and offered to buy panhandlers sandwiches or cups of coffee. Many spurned me.
Then I started offering addresses to shelters and other facilities. Most responded with disdain, contempt, or profanity. After one panhandler tried to rob me, I resolved to channel my charitable impulses more constructively.
When it comes to aggressive panhandling in and around streets, however, the potential harms are greater. It slows traffic and endangers both pedestrians and motorists. It promotes disorder.
And it’s against state law for a person to “stand or loiter in the main traveled portion, including the shoulders and median, of any State highway or street” or “stop any motor vehicle for the purpose of soliciting employment, business
or contributions.”
Municipalities are permitted to make an exception for solicitors who obtain written permission to raise funds on a particular day.
Last month, the city of Raleigh enacted its own ordinance to crack down on panhandling in its streets and medians. “I think we're trying to protect rights, but then also protect the safety of the entire community,” Mayor Janet Cowell told WTVD-TV. “Both the individuals actually panhandling, but also pedestrians, bicyclists, drivers, anyone that is out there in the traffic of a big, congested city.”
Just so.
To the extent other municipalities have yet to clarify what is and isn’t permissible panhandling on public property, their leaders should do so.
Just to be clear: federal courts may well deem as unconstitutional a sweeping ban against panhandling on all public property. The First Amendment, as applied to states and localities via the 14th Amendment, prohibits lawmakers from distinguishing between, say, begging for money and handing out political brochures. Both are protected speech. But when done on public property, both can be subject to reasonable time, space, and manner restrictions.
That renders more defensible limits on forms of solicitation that may imperil public safety or the free flow of traffic, such as North Carolina’s statute and Raleigh’s new ordinance.
Professionals or trained volunteers who minister to the poor are doing the Lord’s work. We should aid them and, if possible, join their ranks. What we should not do is hand cash to beggars in medians or streets.
Very few are temporarily down on their luck. Most are hustlers, addicts, or mentally ill. The former ought to be encouraged to find a safer and more productive line of work. And the latter needs a more effective intervention than cash passed through the windows of passing cars.
Editor’s note: John Hood is a John Locke Foundation board member. His books Mountain Folk, Forest Folk, and Water Folk combine epic fantasy with American history (FolkloreCycle.com).
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Tuesday, 19 August 2025
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Written by John Hood
The likely Democratic nominee for North Carolina’s Senate race next year, former Gov. Roy Cooper, led likely Republican nominee Michael Whatley by six points in the first independent poll commissioned after the two men announced their campaigns last month.
Of course he does. Cooper has been on statewide ballots for decades. Whatley, a first-time candidate who chairs the Republican National Committee, isn’t as well known.
On the other hand, Cooper’s 47% to 41% margin in the latest Emerson College poll isn’t particularly impressive. North Carolina is a closely divided state. Setting aside Josh Stein’s remarkably good fortune last year, most of our statewide races have been and will continue to be decided by small margins.
So, Cooper’s six-point edge in the poll isn’t what caught my eye. It was the partisan breakdown of the Emerson College sample: 36% Republican, 33% unaffiliated, 31% Democrat. If I got in my time machine and went back 30 years to chat with 1995 me, he’d say the sample was badly skewed and suggest I toss it aside. Democrats rank third in party affiliation, behind Republicans and independent? No way, my dark-haired, wrinkle-free doppelganger would insist.
And he’d be dead wrong.
It’s true that, with regard to voter registration, the state’s former majority party hasn’t yet fallen so far. As of last week, 30.6% of North Carolina’s 7.6 million voters were registered as Democrats. Republicans made up 30.4%. Unaffiliated voters already comprise a plurality at 38.4%.
The underlying math has an inexorable logic, however. We don’t have to go back 30 years to see it. Half that time will do it. In 2010, Democrats made up 45% of the electorate. Republicans were 32%, independents 23%. Since then, the independent category has grown by 1.5 million and the GOP by nearly 350,000, while Democratic registrations shrank by more than 450,000.
Sure, it will still take several months for the Ds to slip to third place. But the 2026 election is months away, more than a year away. By then, the streams will have crossed.
Democratic activists are right to feel trepidation about this. But Republican activists ought to restrain their glee. Despite these registration trends, GOP candidates for governor have won precisely one election in the past 30 years. Democrats currently hold half of North Carolina’s 10 statewide executive offices. Within a few years, the Republican majority on the state supreme court could disappear. In federal elections, North Carolina leans red, yes, but not by much. (I prefer a different color coding for the Tar Heel State, a reddish purple known as “flirt.”)
And, to return focus to the Senate race, Cooper starts the 2026 contest with an edge over Whatley even with Democratic registration lower than Republican registration!
That’s because unaffiliated voters aren’t necessarily, or even usually, undecided voters. Many are Democratic or Republican in all but name. In North Carolina, each party starts with a base of support north of 40%. To win, they must maximize turnout and contest the small but decisive share of swing voters truly up for grabs.
The conventional wisdom used to be that Republicans were somewhat more likely to turn out than Democrats, and thus enjoyed a structural advantage in midterm elections, when overall turnout tends to be lower.
Now the conventional wisdom is that because the rise of Donald Trump scrambled the party coalitions, with high-propensity suburban voters shifting blue and low-propensity rural voters shifting red, Republicans have lost that structural advantage. Lower overall turnout is good for Democrats, it’s posited.
I never bought the conventional wisdom in the first place, having searched for and failed to find any consistent relationship between midterm turnout and partisan outcomes in past North Carolina elections. So I’m not prepared to accept the new conventional “wisdom,” either, without more evidence.
If public sentiment turns against the party in the White House, as it often does, Roy Cooper might well win. Registration trends are hardly the only ones that matter.
Editor’s note: John Hood is a John Locke Foundation board member. His books Mountain Folk, Forest Folk, and Water Folk combine epic fantasy with American history (FolkloreCycle.com).
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