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Budget Deal Sets Up a Busy Week in June

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Tuesday, 26 May 2026

Written by John Hood

By Monday, June 15, the academic year will be over for colleges, universities, and most grade schools. Family trips and summertime sojourns will commence. Tourist venues and recreational attractions will be bustling.
For the North Carolina General Assembly, however, the week of June 15 will be no vacation. If current plans come to fruition, lawmakers will vote that week on a new state budget as well as at least two constitutional amendments to appear on the fall ballot: one capping the growth of property taxes and the other capping the rate of personal income tax at 3.5%.
I suspect both amendments will pass the legislature and gain voter approval. Proponents believe their combined effect will be to constrain the growth of state and local expenditures over time by depriving big spenders of the handiest tools at their disposal. The amendments’ most vociferous opponents agree on the effect but think that consequence will harm North Carolina, not help it.
A third group — let’s call them skeptics rather than opponents — note that neither amendment affects sales taxes, excise taxes, and other forms of government revenue.
Might future senators, representatives, and county commissioners respond to the new constitutional constraints not with a renewed commitment to fiscal discipline but by expanding the base of the sales tax, hiking its rate, or approving new gambling enterprises?
According to the Tax Foundation, North Carolina derives about 29% of its state and local revenue from personal income taxes, about the same share from sales taxes, 22% from property taxes, 3% from corporate income, and the rest from excises and other levies. Compared to the nation as a whole, we rely more on income and sales tax and less on property tax than the average state.
As I’ve previously explained at (literally) book length, it might make sense for North Carolina to rely more on sales taxes if they were properly structured. Alas, they never will be.
A properly structured tax on retail sales wouldn’t distort the economy. It would tax services as well as goods, and in particular the medical, legal, and financial transactions that together comprise most of the service sector. On the other hand, it wouldn’t tax business-to-business transactions, which by definition aren’t retail sales — and the taxation of which creates artificial incentives for vertical and horizontal integration. The income tax base is too broad, yes, creating artificial disincentives against savings and investment. But the sales tax base is too narrow (as is the property tax base).
I understand the skeptics’ argument. But there’s another side to the story. As best I can determine, the presentation of the constitutional amendments made the budget deal between House and Senate possible. That deal is, in turn, both fiscally and politically advisable.
It is wise to modify the revenue triggers to ensure lawmakers can sustain their tax-reform momentum while also meeting high-priority needs in public safety, health care, and education. Incumbents are also loath to enter the fall campaign without a new state budget in place.
As lawmakers finalize the details of that budget, I hope they take one more factor into consideration: North Carolina is not adequately prepared for another natural or economic disaster. Could there be another recession, pandemic, or catastrophic hurricane in our future? Of course. It’s only a question of time.
According to the Pew Charitable Trusts, North Carolina has approximately 53 days' worth of state spending socked away in our rainy-day fund and unreserved credit balance. That places us below the national average. Tennessee (72 days), Georgia (147 days), and South Carolina (174 days) are much better prepared, as are Pennsylvania (79), Florida (125), Texas (129), and even the likes of California (84) and New York (198).
The General Assembly ought to make a larger rainy-day deposit than required by current statute. The ultimate goal should be to boost savings to at least to the national median of 92 days worth of spending.
Yep, there’s lots to get done by mid-June.

Editor’s note: John Hood is a John Locke Foundation board member. His books Mountain Folk, Forest Folk, and Water Folk combine epic fantasy with American history (FolkloreCycle.com).

Troy's Perspective: Visiting Louisiana v. Callais

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Tuesday, 19 May 2026

Written by Troy Williams

On April 29, 2026, the U.S. Supreme Court issued a significant ruling in Louisiana v. Callais, deciding 6-3 to reinterpret the Voting Rights Act. This decision makes it more challenging to contest voting maps that are allegedly racially discriminatory. The repercussions of this ruling are expected to be felt across the United States, including in Cumberland County and Fayetteville.
The Voting Rights Act (VRA), which was enacted on August 6, 1965, by President Lyndon B. Johnson, was a groundbreaking law aimed at protecting minority voters from harassment, intimidation, and violence. It reinforced the importance of equitable voting practices for all citizens. In response to the ruling, Democrats have claimed that the Supreme Court has effectively created a new form of Jim Crow, commonly referred to as Jim Crow 2.0.
Instead of engaging with the Democrats' rhetoric, it is important to note that the Supreme Court's decision did not reinstate legal and bureaucratic barriers such as literacy tests and poll taxes, which historically denied African Americans their right to vote. Instead, the ruling affects how voting maps are drawn and influences practices related to gerrymandering.
A frequently alleged quote attributed to President Lyndon B. Johnson— "I'll have them n*****s voting Democratic for the next 200 years"—is often mentioned in discussions about the Voting Rights Act. The facts show that Johnson did frequently use the “N” word; the facts also show that since 1965, African Americans have remained the most reliable voting bloc for the Democratic Party.
What does this unwavering loyalty to the Democratic Party mean for African Americans? Consider this: data shows that most of the poorest congressional districts in the United States are majority Black drawn districts. On the other hand, while many African American members of Congress may not be classified as "super-rich," they are certainly not the "poor cousins," with reported net worths typically in the low to mid millions.
For decades, the Black community has remained "blindly loyal" to the Democratic Party without receiving substantial benefits in return. Mark Fisher of Black Lives Matter Rhode Island summarized this sentiment by stating that the community has been "loyal to the Democratic Party for no reason," highlighting ongoing challenges related to crime, poverty, and education.
Historically, prominent figures like Malcolm X, warned that "white liberals" could be the most deceptive enemies of Black progress, and Martin Luther King Jr., reportedly expressed fears of integrating his people into a "burning house."
What does this mean for Cumberland County and Fayetteville? It is likely to result in the removal of Black-drawn legislative districts at both the state and local levels. However, this does not imply a loss of Black representation, as most voters in Fayetteville are African American, and Cumberland County has a nearly even racial distribution.
Partisan gerrymandering will be with us for a while. Still, I hope our politics will eventually reflect Dr. Martin Luther King Jr.'s famous line about being judged by the "content of their character" rather than the "color of their skin."

Finding depth in connections

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Tuesday, 19 May 2026

Written by Dan DeBruler

Relationships thrive in the deep. One key is to move beyond the shallow and into the kind of authenticity where you’re not always the hero of your own story.
That kind of depth doesn’t happen by accident. It happens in moments—often small, unguarded, and easily overlooked. Around a dinner table. On a front porch. In a circle of people sharing a meal, a story, or even just silence. Those moments have a way of changing people. They shape relationships, and over time, they shape culture.
Jesus seemed to understand that. Many of His most meaningful interactions didn’t happen from a stage or at a distance, but in close, personal settings—meals, conversations, shared space. There’s something about being face-to-face, without pretense, that invites honesty. And honesty is where real connection begins.
The problem is, those moments have been slowly disappearing.
Most of us can smile at the old lyric, “video killed the radio star,” because in many ways it rang true. Technology replaced something simpler, something more personal. I once heard someone make a similar observation: “Air conditioning killed the family.” It sounds strange at first, but the idea sticks. There was a time when people gathered outside in the evening—on porches, in yards—because it was cooler there. Families talked. Neighbors drifted over. Conversations unfolded naturally. And when we moved inside, into perfectly controlled environments, something shifted. We traded shared space for separate rooms.
And now, we’re here. More reachable, but less connected. Social media has given everyone a voice—not inherently bad—but it has also created a constant stream of noise. Opinions come fast, reactions come faster, and before long, we’re not really listening anymore. We’re just responding.
At the same time, there’s a tendency in all of us to look for something bigger, better, or more satisfying just over the horizon. We want the “promised land”—the ideal version of life, relationships, or success—while overlooking the “daily bread” already in front of us. The ordinary moments. The conversations we could have if we’d just slow down long enough to have them.
We also tend to lean on voices that tell us what we want to hear about the future—pundits, influencers, commentators—rather than grounding ourselves in what’s real and present. So we speculate rather than engage. Scroll rather than sit across from someone and be known.
Depth requires something different.
It requires presence. It requires listening. It requires the humility to step into a conversation without needing to win it—or to be seen as the hero in it.
If relationships really do thrive in the deep, then maybe the way forward isn’t more noise, more speed, or more distance. Maybe it’s a return to the table. A return to shared space. A return to conversations where people are seen, heard, and known—not for their best moments, but for who they really are.
That’s where connection lives. And it’s still available—if we’re willing to choose it.

What About the Boomers’ Kiddos and Grands?

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Tuesday, 19 May 2026

Written by Margaret Dickson

I am a proud Baby Boomer and happy to say so.
My generation includes the 76-to-78 million Americans fortunate enough to be born just after World War II between 1946 and 1964. As the children of people Tom Brokaw dubbed “the greatest generation,” we first drew breath into an economy booming with post war veterans. They were thrilled to have survived the worldwide conflict and anxious to get on with their lives. Millions of veterans headed to college on the newly-minted GI bill and started families that peaked with an average of 4 children per household.
The Haymount neighborhood in which my sister and I grew up teemed with children and dogs who ran around together in packs as leash laws were a thing of the future. Most mothers stayed at home and most dads were climbing advancement ladders in their chosen fields. Households were generally disciplined and children were taught to pay attention to all adults. Structure, hard work, and thrift were important values even in an economy that floated most boats for about 3 decades. Religion, generally Christianity, was a significant part of family life for most Americans.
Ours was not a perfect childhood or a seamless transition into adulthood and the working world with the backdrop of the Vietnam conflict and massive social upheavals, but for the large part we Boomers had family structure and an economy that worked for most Americans, enabling home ownership and a good shot at education.
Today’s working Americans, specifically Generations X and Y (Millennials), born between 1965-1980 and 1981-1996, respectively, are having a difficult go.
Both Xs and Ys are finding themselves caught between their Boomer parents and their own children—the so-called “sandwich generation,” with little time and often little money for themselves. The goal of work-life balance seems out of reach.
They also face significant financial pressures from paychecks that do not keep up with inflation, student loan debt, economic downturns over which they have no control, and the growing wealth gap between the haves and the have-nots. Both Xs and Ys have trouble saving for retirement, and at the same time, they face the possibility that Social Security, American retirees’ mainstay for the better part of a century, will not be there for them.
Layer on the rapid growth of technology and the necessity of adapting to it in both work and personal lives, and the pressure can feel overwhelming.
This is the national atmosphere in which Americans are approaching the 2026 midterm elections in a nation divided not only along strict party lines but also facing stark differences on both domestic and international issues. All of us vote based on our own experiences, ages, educational levels, where we live and many other factors. This year, perhaps more so than in the past, we should look at the broader picture, including the daunting situations facing not only ourselves but those coming behind us whose roads ahead look different from the ones we Boomers trod and perhaps even more difficult.
Just as I try to imagine what my grandparents and parents would think of life in 2026 America, I wonder what the lives of my children and grandchildren will be like in 2056 and what I can do to make them better.